Monday, October 12, 2015

FFRF targets small Texas town; police chief responds, 'Go fly a kite'

The Freedom from Religion Foundation, a Wisconsin-based watchdog group monitoring separation of church and state issues, recently focused on tiny Childress, Texas, at the base of the Panhandle, which is where I was born.

Childress, with a population of 6,000, attracted the attention of the group that unsuccessfully attempted in 2011 to force the removal of the nativity scene from the Henderson County, Texas, Courthouse lawn when the Childress police chief recently approved the placement of "In God We Trust" decals on police vehicles.

In response to the national nonprofit organization's warning that the use of the phrase "In God We Trust," which also appears on U.S. currency, could be interpreted as exclusionary by atheists, Chief of Police Adrian Garcia replied in a letter, "Go fly a kite."

The Childress Police Department's Facebook page received more than 3,000 likes and only a few negative remarks, according to published reports. The police department deleted the negative comments with the explanation that "We will not allow negativity on our page."

I question the wisdom of censoring opposing comment if it remained civil, but that is their prerogative under the terms of Facebook.

Childress is a deeply religious community with numerous churches built in the early 1900s. The local theater banned "Brokeback Mountain," which features scenes in Childress, because of its content about same-sex relationships.

Oddly, Childress also featured prominently in the fictional "Texas Chainsaw Massacre," which never seemed to bother anyone -- regardless of the violence.

After the Amarillo Globe and Childress' Red River Sun published stories about the confrontation between the current police chief and the FFRF, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott gave his support to Garcia in a letter to Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton.

The governor claimed that similar legal challenges for four decades failed in the courts.

It is true that "In God We Trust" is still prominently featured on U.S. currency, as a quick check of a dollar bill in my wallet confirmed. I'm not sure how the inclusion of the words on police cars benefits the town, nor how they would harm anyone, given the deep religious convictions of many residents.

It's hard to imagine there would be many outspoken atheists in Childress. I suspect I'm the most visible homosexual to publicly call Childress home.

The Tool, Texas, City Council on Cedar Creek Lake quit opening meetings with prayers this year, replacing them with moments of silence, to avoid the possibility of a confrontation with FRRF or a similar group, the American Humanist Association, that targeted Cherokee County, Texas, over a nativity display.

In both the Henderson and Cherokee Counties' standoffs, neither group followed through on threats of lawsuits.

President Ronald Reagan's son, Ron Jr., regularly promotes FFRF in television ads seeking donations to the group. He describes himself as a "lifelong atheist who is not afraid of burning in hell."

David Webb was born in Childress in 1949, and he remembers as a little boy that you couldn't shoot a slingshot without risking hitting a church.

Tuesday, May 5, 2015

Time to start planning for summer vacation

With the weather getting warmer thoughts of summer fun are beginning to crowd my mind, making me less interested in anything else.

Until further notice The Rare Reporter won't be on blog duty, nor appearing in the pages of the Dallas Voice, or anywhere else previously published. All work and no play makes me testy.

Wednesday, April 29, 2015

Most Americans support decriminilization of marijuana; politicans lag behind public opinion

Cannabis legislation is popping up like seedlings in states across the nation because public opinion polls show most Americans support the decriminalization of marijuana for a variety of reasons.

A Gallup poll in late 2014 showed 51 percent of Americans favor legalizing marijuana, down from a high of 58 percent in 2013 but still above the 50 percent mark reached in 2011 and 2012. The upward trend reflected a dramatic change from nearly a half-century ago, in 1969, when only 12 percent of adults favored the drug’s legalization.

The figure jumped to 28 percent in the late 1970s and to 34 percent by 2003.

The poll showed that support for the legalization of marijuana appeared to be the strongest in the eastern and western states. But a similar poll conducted by The University of Texas and the Texas Tribune indicated 76 percent of the Lone Star State’s residents favor some sort of marijuana legalization.

 Federal law prohibits the growing, marketing, possession and use of marijuana, but federal officials are not interfering in states where laws are passed permitting the medical use of marijuana and decriminalization.

House Bill 2165 introduced by Rep. David Simpson, a Republican from Longview in Northeast Texas, would put an end to Texas’ century-old prohibition of marijuana. After he filed the bill, Simpson wrote in an editorial published by the Texas Tribune, “I don’t believe that when God made marijuana he made a mistake that government needs to fix.”

The legislator said marijuana should be regulated in the same manner as popular Texas vegetables like tomatoes and jalapeno peppers.

Lifelong Republican Ann Lee, an 85-year-old who formed Republicans Against Marijuana Prohibition, noted the cannabis laws conflict with the Republican Party’s views on promoting personal freedom and restricting government regulation. She praised Simpson’s bill saying, “It’s true saying that prohibition doesn’t work, and we need to rectify if possible the harm that has been done.”

There are now about a dozen pieces of marijuana legislation pending in the Texas Legislature that would either legalize medical use of cannabis or reduce the penalties for possession of the drug.

The House Committee on Criminal Jurisprudence recently heard from supporters and opponents of reducing penalties for marijuana possession and legalization. Opponents argued any sort of tolerance of the drug would lead to moral and physical decay of the state’s population, similar to the Bible-waving naysayers of yesterday who stand firmly committed to regulating what goes on in the privacy of other people’s living rooms and bedrooms.

Supporters of decriminalizing marijuana claimed Texas would save almost a quarter-billion dollars by ending the prosecution, and they cited an official state fiscal report. The legalization of personal marijuana use would remove thousands from the criminal and juvenile justice system and reduce workloads in criminal courts, according to the supporters.

Critics of Texas’ marijuana laws point out that the state’s prisons are full of people convicted of possessing or selling small amounts of marijuana. Supporters of marijuana reform also believe decriminalization would help reduce organized criminal activity and the violence associated with it.

Since Colorado voters legalized the sale of marijuana for recreational use and retail stores began marketing the drug in January 2014, the state has benefited from a new source of tax revenue. The state’s new marijuana industry quickly thrived, and the influx of visitors to the mountain state no doubt includes countless Texans traveling there to get high while spending money in restaurants, hotels and entertainment venues. Some will be prosecuted in Texas for returning home with marijuana they purchased legally in Colorado.

The medical use of marijuana is now permitted in Alaska, Arizona, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Georgia, Hawaii, Illinois, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington, District of Columbia and the territory of Guam.

Critics of the laws allowing the medical use of marijuana claim prescriptions are too easy to obtain, but marijuana is highly effective in easing the pain and nausea associated with cancer treatment, according to many patients and their doctors.

Recreational use is allowed only in Alaska and Colorado.

Not many people expect the Texas Legislature to actually legalize marijuana this session, but the large amount of legislation supported by both Democrats and Republicans suggests attitudes will continue to change in the coming years.

Politicians react to phone calls, emails and letters. If everyone in the state who supports marijuana reform let their elected representatives know their stand on the issue, the state would see progress far more quickly than will otherwise occur.

Information about ongoing efforts to promote marijuana reform is available at


Friday, April 17, 2015

Texas Tea Party-backed legislator diverts funds from HIV/STD education to abstinence program

Anyone surprised by Texas Rep. Dr. Stuart Spitzer’s advocacy of abstinence education over HIV/STD public awareness campaigns shouldn’t be. And you should expect more of the same from the East Texas legislator who represents much of the Cedar Creek Lake area.

Spitzer (top picture) won the seat from two-term Republican Rep. Lance Gooden with the support of the Kaufman County Tea Party. His first challenge against Gooden (second picture) in 2012 failed, but his second challenge, last year, succeeded in large part because he and his supporters portrayed Gooden as a liberal.

Spitzer described himself as a “true conservative,” and he touted his marriage and two children as evidence of his strong moral character. A whisper campaign by Spitzer supporters suggested that Gooden, who is 32 and unmarried, might be gay, even though there is no evidence of that.

Gooden, from Terrell in Kaufman County, appeared to be more moderate than his opponent, and he made no public statements about the issue of marriage equality, while Spitzer spoke in favor of “traditional marriage,” downsizing the state budget and whatever else the Tea Party wanted to hear.

Spitzer is a member of the First Baptist Church in Kaufman where he is a deacon and Sunday school teacher. At a luncheon in Austin where I sat next to him with another reporter, he pointed out to us that he is a teetotaler as well when he moved a glass of iced tea out of camera range to avoid the possibility of it being mistaken for a cocktail.

Spitzer is a surgeon, and he graduated from Baylor University and the UT Southwestern Medical School in Dallas. On the night of his election to the 83rd Legislature, Spitzer said, “God in his infinite wisdom has chosen to lead us here to this night of victory.”

Spitzer, a native of Athens in Henderson County, wasted no time in pursuing his ultraconservative agenda by sponsoring legislation in the Texas House of Representatives diverting $3 million from the biennial budget from HIV/STD prevention education to abstinence-only sexual education programs.
The political newcomer cited his own sexual history as evidence of abstinence being an effective tool in preventing sexually-transmitted disease infections: He said he was a virgin until the age of 29 when he married his wife.

House Democrats fought Spitzer’s message, citing statistics showing Texas has the third-highest HIV rate in the nation. They advocated abstinence among teenagers, but they argued against decreasing the budget for prevention methods for teenagers who reject the idea of abstinence.
Spitzer’s amendment passed. 97-47.

The Texas Observer and Texas Monthly skewered Spitzer for statements like, “Abstinence is the best way to prevent HIV,” and that his ultimate goal would be for “everyone to be abstinent until they are married.”

Spitzer is on record against marriage equality, so it is unclear what he thinks gay and lesbian citizens should do, although we can probably guess. The suggestion would no doubt involve lifelong abstinence supplemented by extensive conversion therapy.

After Spitzer’s amendment passed in the House, Texas Monthly reported teen pregnancy is high and HIV cases are increasing in the legislator’s district. The publication gave teenage pregnancy rates in District 4 by zip code, and it noted Kaufman County spends $3.29 million per year on teen pregnancy and Henderson County spends $2.99 million.

The magazine quipped that Spitzer might be practicing abstinence, but lots of teenagers in his district obviously do not.

Spitzer’s legislative office issued a press release in the wake of mass media coverage describing the firestorm as “multitudes of misleading attacks being levied by biased media sources and left-leaning blogs across the nation.” The press release noted the amendment shifted less than 1 percent of the annual $191.4 million HIV/STD Awareness Education fund budget to abstinence education, resulting in a 28 percent increase to it.

“It amazes me how visceral the attacks on my family and me have been as a result of this effort, and how misinformed people are as to the effects of our amendment,” Spitzer said in the statement.
The lawmaker’s work in Austin played well back home in District 4. Athens Daily Review Editor Chad Wilson praised Spitzer in an editorial, and the editor noted that he too had remained a virgin until his marriage.

If Spitzer and Wilson say they remained virgins until their marriages, I will take their word for it. Still, I think expectations that others will follow suit in large enough numbers to decrease incidences of sexually-transmitted diseases to be an unrealistic view of society, especially for a medical professional and a journalist.

Regardless of the criticism Spitzer might have endured from people who are on the front lines fighting HIV and other sexually-transmitted diseases, I imagine the praise he got from his conservative political base in his district more than made up for any sting he might feel from his foes. We no doubt will be hearing much more from Spitzer about issues important to the LGBT community during the rest of the legislative session — and possibly beyond.

Monday, March 23, 2015

Funny how easily hate language rolls off Christians' tongues; what are they teaching in Sunday School?

It would seem like time might soothe the sting of anti-gay hate slurs such as “faggot.” But I recently learned that the hateful language shocks my senses as much at 65 as it did a half-century ago.

A dispute with neighbors about their large dogs running loose and attacking my little 10-pound poodle led to a 14-year-old youth in their supervision calling me a “faggot.” The word shocked me so that at first I thought his female guardian had uttered it. But the teenager confirmed he said it.

The teenager also disputed my claim about the dogs running loose for an extended period of time while they were out of town, during which time my little dog was attacked by their big boxer. In essence, the teen called me a liar.

In fact, the attack the teenager claimed didn’t happen so scared my dog she trembled and cried under the bed for an hour. Fortunately, she seemed to suffer no serious physical injury, despite the boxer briefly having a death grip on her neck.

During the confrontation with the family, the adult male in the teenager’s company supported the youngster’s  anti-gay remark, asking  me, “Well, what are you?”

I didn’t answer the question. I hardly knew what to say. But I did call law enforcement for assistance. It marked my third call to 911 over the weekend — two about the dogs running loose and one about the dispute.

I asked the teenager if he learned that language from his family. He said, “I learned it a school. I was raised by a good Christian mother.” I was already aware his family spent a significant amount of their time at church.

The law enforcement officer listened to my side of the complaint, and he talked to the family and the youth. He told me that he advised the youth it was wrong to call people names, but he told me it was a “freedom of speech issue” and amounted to no crime.

I told the officer I believed the use of anti-gay slurs represented harassment, but I dropped it at that point. He told me at one point early on that I needed to calm down because I was at risk of making him mad and “that’s not going to help you.” He mentioned something about an apology from the youth, but I told him I wanted no further conversations with anyone in the family.

I pointed out the teenager’s remark about someone who lives alone, never throws parties and lives a really quiet life disturbed me because of the potential for what might be said to a same-sex male or female couple or single people who entertain frequently.

The teenager’s slur also surprised me in part because it seems to contradict what school officials report. They claim to be educating students about diversity and the need for tolerance in an effort to dissuade bullying.

At no time did anyone inquire about the health of my dog or about my own health even though I was knocked to the ground when the dog attacked.

Overall, I think law enforcement did a good job concerning my multiple complaints. But the last officer left me with the impression that they could use more training in the area of hate language and where it can lead. I made a special request that he include in his report the fact that the teenager had used the word “faggot” during the dispute.

If a teenager would yell “faggot” at a 65-year-old man who just called law enforcement, and then argue with that older man about the truth of his statements, what would he say or do to another student? Will I wake up and find “faggot” written on my car or house? Will that happen to some other LGBT person?

Coincidentally, the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Intelligence Report magazine, outlining its annual report on hate groups operating in the United States, arrived in my mailbox today. Under the category of General Hate with a specific Anti-LGBT focus, the human rights group identified 44 in operation of the total 784 hate groups documented in the nation last year.

Many of the group’s names use words like church, family, moral, ministries, mission, parents and such. The groups are located nationwide, and three have addresses in Texas, including Fort Worth, Plano and El Paso.

It’s pretty easy to understand how teenagers can be conflicted by the confusing messages they must be getting at home, church and school.

For me, it’s another lesson learned. No matter how hard I try to be a good neighbor, I will be at risk of — at the very least — verbal assaults because of my sexual orientation, and the words will hurt as much as they ever did.

Saturday, March 7, 2015

American Family Association continues with 'big lie'

The American Family Association’s new “Anti-Christian Bigotry Map,” which claims to identify LGBT groups nationwide, is long on hype and short on facts. You might even call the map and its categories of “anti-Christian, humanist, atheist and homosexual agenda” laughable if it weren’t so deceptive.

In Texas for instance, the map identifies Human Rights Campaign chapters in Dallas-Fort Worth, Austin, Houston and San Antonio with little rainbow-colored balloons. I wonder how long someone in the Mississippi-based organization worked to compile that silly list, given that there are countless local LGBT organizations statewide easily identified.

The interactive map allows the viewer to isolate by state the different categories. The list is led by a colorful “homosexual agenda” icon that sort of resembles a hot air balloon -- an apt, albeit unintended image for this map to be sure. The AFA map features about 200 icons nationwide that provide obscure group names in most cases.

HRC quickly ridiculed the map’s publication on its website, noting that the organization maintains no offices in certain cities listed on the map. “…We will not be able to meet at HRC’s offices in Dallas and Austin that are included on AFA’s map because they don’t exist. Gosh darn.”

The Texas map also identifies anti-Christians in Houston and San Antonio; atheists in Dallas-Fort Worth, Austin, Denton, Houston, Lubbock and Corpus Christi and humanists or “freethinkers” in North Texas, the Panhandle, East Texas and Central Texas. It would appear the humanists escaped detection as to exactly where they congregate.

At the bottom of the map, the AFA gets down to the real business at hand by listing the national headquarters of the Human Rights Campaign, the Southern Poverty Law Center, GLSEN and Freedom from Religion Foundation. The HRC blog noted that the AFA list also “oddly included” the American Association of Retired Persons and People for the American Way, but those groups appear to no longer be included on the map.

AFA claims on the map HRC “bullies American corporations to embrace sexual perversion and encourages lawsuits against Christian-owned businesses and states.” It accuses SPLC of labeling Christian organizations supporting the Biblical definition of marriage as hate groups, and it claims GLSEN “infiltrates public schools with pro-homosexual indoctrination tactics.” FFRF “threatens, intimidates and sues local governments and public schools to abolish all public references to the Christian faith,” according to the AFA.

What is most interesting about the AFA interactive map is that it poorly imitates the Southern Poverty Law’s Center’s comprehensive annual list of hate groups, which includes the AFA. The list names 939 groups, including White Supremacists of all varieties, anti-government gangs and LGBT-bashers, which are gleaned from extensive research.

SPLC began including anti-LGBT groups on its hate group list soon after its founding in 1971 because white supremacists and others often targeted LGBT people in propaganda and hate crimes.

SPLC President Richard Cohen said in an email to Dallas Voice that with the map’s publication the “AFA is continuing with its big lie – its claim that we’re anti-Christian. We’re obviously not.”

Cohen noted SPLC also disagrees with the policies of Focus on the Family on a variety of issues, but the organization is not included on the annual hate group list because it maintains a higher level of integrity than AFA. “…We would not call Focus a hate group because, unlike groups like the AFA, Focus does not routinely spread demonizing lies and propaganda about the LGBT community,” Cohen said. “And in the case of the AFA, its bigotry is not limited to the anti-LGBT variety.”

The AFA’s publication of the map seems to prove Cohen’s point because it seeks to spread resentment against non-Christians as well as LGBT people. The propaganda also ignores the affiliation of millions of LGBT people with the Christian faith. AFA leaders attempt to portray LGBT people as deviants who want to overthrow Western Civilization by destroying traditional Judeo-Christian values.

Since AFA’s founding in 1977 under the former name of the National Federation for Decency the group has sought to censor publications and television broadcasts, disseminate false information about LGBT people and their relationships and promote “ex-gay” therapy. Methodist minister Donald E. Wildmon founded the group, but he stepped down after 33 years for his son, Tim Wildmon, to carry on his anti-LGBT campaign, that sometimes has targeted minority groups such as Muslims and Native Americans who refused to convert to Christianity.

AFA, which depends on donations and the sale of books and other propaganda to operate, is largely ineffective and professionally disrespected as the publication of its map shows. Still, it manages to keep operating because enough people buy into the organization’s untruthful and alarmist propaganda to fund it.

About the best we can do as a community is to continue to support the organizations that we know tell the truth and work for our benefit. AFA unwittingly identified them for you.





Friday, February 20, 2015

Some good old satire could put today's hot topics in proper perspective; Huckabee is Archie Bunker

If television executives ever decide to remake the wildly-successful 1970s-era All in the Family sitcom to address this century’s issues, I sure hope they will borrow some material from today’s 2016 Republican presidential hopefuls — especially former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee.

When I watched Huckabee’s recent interview on CNN about LGBT people and same-sex marriage, I felt like my TV and I had slipped back in time. His remarks comparing LGBT people living their lives to straight people cussing and drinking alcohol sounded just like something Archie Bunker might have said.

“People can be my friends who have lifestyles that are not necessarily my lifestyle,” Huckabee reasoned to CNN’s Dana Bash as he sidestepped a question about whether he believed people came by their sexual orientation through heredity or choice. “I don’t shut people out of my life because they have a different point of view.”

Gee thanks, Mike, I thought. That’s a relief. I’d hate to think I couldn’t hang out with a fun guy like you.

Usually, I would switch channels at that point, but I sensed more incredible observations yet to come from the Baptist-pastor-turned-politician. Sure enough, he went on in his ill-fated attempts to further enlighten the CNN host and her audience with his broad-mindedness.

“I don’t drink alcohol, but gosh, a lot of my friends — maybe most of them — do,” he said. “You know, I don’t use profanity, but believe me, I’ve got a lot of friends who do. Some people really like classical music and ballet and opera — it’s not my cup of tea.”

I suppose the reference to the high arts sort of tempered the comparison to foul-mouthed boozing, but it failed to make any more sense to me.

Again, it reminded me of Archie, the outspoken, conservative, backward Protestant bigot whose observations so stunned the other characters in the show they stared at in him silence. I envisioned his daughter, Gloria, and her husband, Michael, rolling their eyes, and his naïve wife, Edith, cocking her head in confusion as laughter echoed in the background.

The satirical scenes in All in the Family put issues like racial and religious bigotry, male chauvinism and anti-homosexual and -transgender bias in perspective for many Americans. Many people got it, and probably quite a few saw themselves in the depictions. I suspect the show led to a lot of re-evaluations of long-held beliefs.

The sitcom preceded the issue of same-sex marriage by three decades, but All in the Family did address interracial marriage. Through humor, the show illustrated the absurdity of skin color dictating whom people could marry. In one of the show’s episodes Archie and Edith discussed the “mixing” of races:

Archie: “This mixing the colors, before you know it, the world’s gonna be just one color.”
Edith: “Well, what’s wrong with that, Archie?”
Archie: “Can’t you use your head? How the hell are we gonna tell each other apart?”

The absurdity of Archie’s argument made an unspoken point: Why would anyone care about whom others marry?

It came as no surprise Huckabee held a hard line on same-sex marriage in the CNN interview, saying that the Bible forbids homosexuality. “This is not just a political issue,” he said. “It is a biblical issue. And as a biblical issue — unless I get a new version of the scriptures, it’s really not my place to say, OK, I’m just going to evolve.”

Most conservative Republicans would likely agree with Huckabee on this issue. But I could see the statement coming out of Archie’s mouth if rewritten to reflect how a blue-collar worker talks. Archie would think like Huckabee about the issue of same-sex marriage, the last big culture barrier of our time to overcome.

The good news is that times are changing, similarly to how it happened in the late 1960s and 1970s. In earlier days, white bigots used the Bible to justify discrimination against black people and others who didn’t look like them. Today, they’ve found new scapegoats, such as LGBT people and immigrants, to target.

More and more conservative straight people I know tell me they are tired of politicians who brandish the Bible at them and focus their attention on abortion and same-sex marriage. Instead, they’ve expressed concerns about issues such as the economy and the consequences of worldwide political unrest that also worry most LGBT people. None of the Republican candidates appear to be generating much interest among the conservative voters I know.

Ultra conservative politicians seem to be out of touch with the majority of Americans, and that is why the White House could be out of reach for Huckabee and others like him in 2016. Maybe the humor of a revamp of All in the Family might clue them into what does and does not really concern most Americans today, although for now I’d rather they stay in the dark — at least until after the 2016 election.

Wednesday, February 4, 2015

LGBT rights movement reaches top speed in 21st Century

The U.S. Supreme Court’s announcement last week that it would decide if the Constitution guarantees the rights of same-sex couples to marry wherever they reside and whether states can refuse to recognize same-sex marriages sanctioned by other states left me marveling at the advancements of the gay rights movement in my adult life.

In 1977 I lived and worked for a time in New York City where I marched in my first gay rights parade at the age of 27. Up until that point I had not participated in any sort of activism even though I had made no secret of my sexual orientation in Dallas prior to joining a couple of friends in Manhattan in search of excitement. During those days I aspired only to go out every night and to enjoy every bit of entertainment I could squeeze out of the big city that never slept.

The three of us shared a three-room boxcar-style apartment, and I worked for a temporary agency that sent me on office assignments across the city when I wanted to work. I felt like I had struck gold when the agency sent me to a public relations agency that represented all of the Broadway theaters, and they gave me free tickets to shows. God I loved that dead end job, answering the phone, typing and assisting the employees of the theaters and the celebrities the agency represented. I kept that assignment as long as possible.

I lacked purpose in my life in those days, and my friends shared my lack of enthusiasm for pursuing a career. We all worked just enough to pay the rent and utilities and to eat and drink in the endless array of restaurants and bars in the city. Weekends we spent at the beach when the weather turned warm enough. Sometimes people we met in the bars invited us to their weekend homes on the New Jersey Shore and Fire Island. I couldn’t imagine life beyond 30, and I wanted to extend my search for adventure indefinitely.

When June rolled around that year we started noticing fliers posted in the bars about the upcoming gay rights parade, and we decided to join in the fun. I had watched a small parade in Downtown Dallas in 1972 with one of my New York roommates, but he and I had stayed on the sidewalk unmoved by the experience. That would change in New York.

On the Sunday morning of the parade my roommates and I made signs to carry in the parade. Mine said, “Gay freedom is my right.” I doubt that I even knew what I meant when I wrote those words. I’m positive same-sex marriage didn’t inspire me, and I doubt anyone else thought about it in 1977. We did fume about singer Anita Bryant’s anti-gay campaign in Florida to repeal an anti-discrimination ordinance in Dade County, Florida, that succeeded June 7, 1977. That became the rallying cry in gay rights parades across the country that summer. Everyone wanted protection from discrimination in jobs and housing and the abolishment of sodomy laws. Few people in my presence ever mentioned the Stonewall Riots, which are widely viewed today as the start of the modern day gay rights movement.

When my roommates and I arrived after a short subway ride for the start of the parade on Fifth Avenue, the sight stunned me. Many thousands of people lined up for the parade in New York, compared to less than a hundred people I saw in Dallas getting ready to march. It overwhelmed me, and I sensed something earthshaking would be happening.

The parade got underway late as people continued to arrive for the lineup. The numbers astonished me, and I said that I had no idea so many gay people lived in the whole world, let alone the New York City area. When the parade finally got underway it eventually stretched the entire length of Fifth Avenue, and I remember seeing people all along the route hanging out of windows and cheering. As we passed the Arthur Murray Dance Studio, gay instructors with their straight female clients yelled and waved. For the first time in my life I felt like I belonged, and it motivated me to take a stand. Before the summer ended, I decided to return to Texas so I could finally finish college.

Almost forty years later, those days in New York seem like a dream. My two roommates, who remained in New York and never knew LGBT activists would focus on marriage equality, no longer are living.

Had I remained in New York City, I probably would be dead today too. Instead, I returned to Dallas and I enrolled in the School of Journalism at the University of Texas at Austin as soon as I could. One of my first stories for the Daily Texan explored a deadly new disease striking gay men in San Francisco and New York City. From then on I came across stories about the LGBT community that needed to be told at every newspaper I worked. Sometimes I told the stories over the objections of others in the newsroom who failed to grasp the significance of the gay rights movement. At the same time I frequently attended the funerals of my friends, and I wrote their obituaries.

Over the years, I came to realize that every person who came out to a straight relative, friend or coworker contributed to the gay rights movement whether they ever marched in a parade or otherwise demonstrated for the cause. As former Dallas gay leader William Waybourn pointed out to me in a discussion in the early 1990s when he led a national organization in Washington D.C., “If every gay and lesbian person in the country came out today, the discrimination would end tomorrow.”

Eventually, I made my way to the Dallas Voice where I covered LGBT issues solely, but despite my specialization in LGBT issues and my association with local, state and national LGBT leaders the marriage equality story caught me off guard. I never dreamed same-sex marriage would receive so much support in state governments, the courts and the American public in general. It took so long to get the sodomy law overturned that I thought marriage equality would be many decades off, if ever in my lifetime.

I’m glad at the age of 65 I’ve lived to see the gay rights movement succeeding in ways that seemed impossible a little more than a decade ago, but it is a bittersweet moment. So many people who helped lay the foundation for the success of the gay rights movement will never get to enjoy it. I’d like to think that they somehow will know what they helped achieve. They no doubt would be as amazed as I am.

Saturday, January 10, 2015

New Year's resolutions lose urgency as years pass

One of the best things about retirement is the ease in which movement from one year to the next takes place. I get in no hurry to do anything because it’s all optional.
Last night, I stayed up until 4 a.m. watching Netflix movies because of my clear schedule this week. The night before I stayed up until 6 a.m. Of course, that left me sleeping during the day, but it mattered not. Most everything would wait until I got around to it.

I used my car for the first time in 2015 almost a full week into the New Year because I realized that when I went to the grocery store on New Year’s Eve, I forgot to buy dog food. With two ravenous mouths to feed every morning, I conceded it was time to hit the road again.

Mickey the Schnauzer and Lucky the Jackshund get really testy when breakfast doesn’t hit the floor within 10 minutes of our getting out of bed so I decided not to dally any longer. I had just emptied every morsel out of the dog food bag to fill their bellies.

After spending two days in my pajamas, I finally hit the shower and got dressed. On the way across Cedar Creek Lake to Walmart, it occurred to me I no longer drove quite as fast as I did when I worked full-time. The slower speed gave me time to gaze at the white pelicans floating in the bay next to the bridge and to gauge the level of the lake after the recent rains.
As I drove, I also pondered my failure to make any New Year’s resolutions this year. A column on the front page of The Monitor, Cedar Creek Lake’s newspaper, praised the value of the practice and urged everyone to take part in changing their lives forever. The editor, Pearl Cantrell, based her argument on “Resolved: 13 Resolutions for Life,” a self-help book by Orrin Woodward, a motivational speaker and New York Times best-selling author who promises to give readers a plan to “live the life you’ve always wanted.”

Woodward maintains in his book that resolutions should be geared toward one changing themselves from the inside out to be effective. External changes do not reprogram a person.

I reviewed some of my resolutions in previous years that I, naturally, failed to ever accomplish. Almost every year I’ve vowed to exercise more and eat and drink less so I would look better.  I’ve rarely gotten out of the gate with that one because I was always still eating and drinking well into the early hours of New Year’s morning.
I also routinely failed to clean my house and wash my car on a regular basis. I always slipped back into the habit of waiting until the approach of a crisis, such as learning someone planned to visit me from out of town. I always started the New Year with a clean house and fresh laundry because my mother instilled that tradition in me, but I never caught on to her habit of keeping things in order all year long.

No doubt I’d had other resolutions I failed to keep over the years, but those seemed to be the most glaring examples.
Suddenly, I realized what Woodward meant by saying change must occur from the inside out. I could never keep those resolutions because I’m a lazy procrastinator. Until I corrected that problem, I’d never be able to live the life I’ve always wanted.

I zipped through Walmart and headed home with a giant bag of Purina One SmartBlend in the trunk of my car. I vowed to buy another bag before that one ran out.
I decided it was not too late for me to make a New Year’s Resolution, and I made plans to order Woodward’s book from Amazon. By golly, I could change my life forever. I envisioned how much better life would be after I read that book.

Then I realized, I was driving fast again. I was in a hurry to get home, but the dogs had already been fed. I was getting carried away. That couldn’t be good.
It will take a week or so for the book to arrive after I order it. Until it gets here, I won’t fret. Life will go on as normal, but as soon as that book arrives I’m getting down to business.  I will immediately start reading it.

You see, I enjoy reading in the afternoon while lying on the living room sofa with the sun filtering through the blinds. It often makes me sleepy so I take a little nap. The book will still be there when I awake.